111
Since not all members of the Church are righteous and not all the righteous are members of the Church, inpractice there is a difference between the (non-ideal) Church and the city of God on earth. Nonetheless Augustine frequently overlooks that difference and equates the two (q. v. La Ciudad de Dios: VIII, 24, p. 172; XIII, 16, p. 277; XV, 26, p. 338; XVI, 2, p. 344; XVII, 15 and 16, p. 395 and p. 396; XVIII, 29, p. 424; XIX, 26, p. 474; XX, 9, p. 488 et al.).
112
St. Augustine's general view of the relations of Church and State is developed systematically but sporadically throughout La Ciudad de Dios. The particular notion of the religious family here summarised is mainly developed in Book XIX.
113
A. A. Parker, art. cit. pp. 98-9 condemns this marriage: «Hopes having been raised by incidents of the plot and by the imagery which depicts them that the Countess of Halma symbolises the Church, the repository of Nazarín's spirit and the source of new life for men, we are fobbed off with her marriage to Urrea. That the Agony and Passion of Nazarín should lead only to this is ludicrous.» If Halma is identified with the Church rather than the Papacy, this is clearly so. Critical reaction generally has been equally -if less vehemently- unfavourable to the marriage.
114
It is Halma herself who personifies Remigio Díaz, Laínez, and Amador in this way as Church, Science, and Administration. (q. v. Halma, 671)
115
This is not to imply that any such hypothetical advantages would be usefully applicable to the actual Papacy and Church. Whether Galdós' alternative Church structure is practicable or whether his assumptions are naive and unworkable is a separate issue. Many critics have either intimated or accepted that Galdós devised Utopian religious communities or ideals in Ángel Guerra, Nazarín, Halma, and Misericordia. Before dismissing Church reorganisation along the lines suggested in Halma as Utopian however, it should be remembered that the Church was in fact organised in precisely this way during its great early flowering. Galdós' proposals are firmly based on successful precedent.
116
Deliberate Homeric allusions coupled with the frequent Augustinian image of the soul falling away from God and needing to return to Him via Christ the mediator tie up the Homero-Cristo ends as Galdós invites us to do at the beginning of his text q. v. Halma, 581.
117
Walter Pattison, «Verdaguer y Nazarín», Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos 250-252, Madrid, octubre 1970, enero 1971, pp. 537-545.
118
See Francisco Ruiz Ramón, Tres personajes galdosianos (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1964); Frank P. Bowman, «On the Definition of Jesus in Modern Fiction» and A. A. Parker, «Nazarín, or the Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ According to Galdós», in The Christ Figure in the Novels of Pérez Galdós, ed. R. Cardona and A. N. Zahareas (New York: Las Américas, 1967).
119
Gustavo Correa, «Tradición mística y cervantismo en las novelas de Galdós, 1890-1897», Hispania, 53 (1970), pp. 842-51.
120
Bowman, op. cit., p. 11.