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100.       More complete information on these terms is found in Stephens (1989) and Buarque de Holanda, who explains the origin of many of these Americanisms, ei. e. g., china < Quechua tchina (1975, 318).

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101.       A sertanejo, according to Buarque de Holanda (1975, 1293), is an inhabitant of the Brazilian sertão, i. e., the semi-arid, rugged interior, or outback of Brazil, west of the coastal areas; thus, sertanejo has been extended to mean hick.

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102.       I have experienced the use of Portunhol firsthand. While visiting Iguaçu Falls, I crossed the border from Brazil to Puerto Iguazú, Argentina. In a local, open-air market, my American friends and I, being taken for Brazilians, were confronted with street hawkers announcing allo as if it were something all of us would desire. Finally, we saw long strings of garlic dangling underneath a sign reading ALLO. The Argentines, in order to sell to the visiting Brazilians, had accommodated their language toward Portuguese; thus, Spanish ajo combined with Portuguese alho to form Portunhol allo.

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103.       With regard to euphemism, dysphemism, taboo, and pejoration, Ullmann (1962, 205, 231) clearly explains the implications for semantic change.

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104.       It is possible that grifo is derived from French via Spanish (Alvar 1987, 141-42).

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105.       An Anglicism is, according to Pratt (1980:115), un elemento linguístico, o grupo de los mismos, que se emplea en el castellano... contemporáneo y que tiene como étimo inmediato un modelo inglés.

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106.       Modern French does not have a cognate reflex in the form of gentaille.

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107.       Stephens (1983) discusses the term creole in English, French, Spanish, and Portuguese.

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108.       Álvarez Nazario (1974, 338-39) details the evolution of the Lusism pickaninny from its African Portuguese origins to its European American usages.

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109.       An earlier version of this study was presented at the Seventy-third Annual Meeting of the AATSP, Chicago, August 1991.

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110.       I would like to thank Joseli Wendler and Judy Bissett for their help in evaluating the Brazilian Portuguese data.

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111.       Inflected infinitive usage in European Portuguese seems to be less restricted. Raposo's analysis indicates that all the sentences reviewed above would be grammatical in European Portuguese (1987: 87-88). In contrast, Brazilian Portuguese usage seems to be somewhat more restricted. For example, Brazilian informants consistently rule out declarative constructions with afirmar and garantir, so that the declarative example cited above, garantiu os livros estarem no porão, would be considered ungrammatical. Furthermore, Brazilian Portuguese usage is even more restricted in the lower socio-economic strata (Koike 1983: 97). For the purposes of this article, since the analysis will focus primarily on postprepositional uses of the inflected infinitive, which are considered grammatical in both European and Brazilian Portuguese, I will not make any further distinctions of usage along these lines.

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112.       The imperfect subjunctive has survived in Sardinian, and occurs after éssere, to be, and áere, to have. After other verbs, its syntactic function is as an inflected infinitive rather than a finite subjunctive form (Jones l988:332-33, 342-43).

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113.       In theory, one could dispense with the second requirement and simply stipulate that the presence of a verb form that looked like an inflected infinitive was sufficient to cause the eventual inflection of the infinitive. Thus, for the creative theory the mere presence of the future subjunctive in Old Portuguese would be enough. In addition, this would invalidate the creative theory's claim that there could be no development from the imperfect subjunctive due to the lack of inflected infinitives in volitional contexts, because the mere survival of the imperfect subjunctive into Old Portuguese would be sufficient, regardless of the context. The fact remains, however, that a theory that fulfills the syntactic criterion, ceteris paribus, is stronger than one that does not, for it provides a situation where inflection is more likely to occur.

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114.       Data for the present study was obtained from four main sources, The Portuguese book of Joseph of Arimathea, Textos Arcaicos, An Anthology of Old Portuguese, Antologia arcaica. Any infinitive with a lexical subject and/or inflectional endings was included in the analysis, and although one can make a distinction between a personal infinitive (an infinitive with an overt subject) and an inflected infinitive (an infinitive with inflectional endings), the distinction is irrelevant here because no uninflected infinitive was found to occur with overt tu or an overt plural lexical subject.

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115.       In Modern Portuguese, para (< pera), in order to, and por, because of, are distinguished roughly by purpose and cause, respectively. In contrast, in Old Portuguese por when used with the inflected infinitive generally has a purpose function like pera. Although there were four examples using por with the meaning of because of, these may be explained by analogy with purpose por.

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116.       Rodrigues incorporates prepositions into his analysis of infinitive usage in Os Lusíadas, in which he concludes that a personal infinitive may be used if the semantic link between conjugated verb plus infinitive is relatively weak. For example, with a modal plus a main verb, the semantic and syntactic proximity is such that even the use of a preposition in this context does not license the use of a personal infinitive: Deveis de ter sabido claramente, 'you must have known clearly' (1932: 178). On the other hand, once the relationship between the two verbs becomes weaker (i. e., a more complex syntactic structure), the personal infinitive may be used: E folgarás de veres a polícia portuguesa na paz e na milícia, 'and you will beat ease by seeing the Portuguese police in peacetime and in war' (1932: 180). However, since the concept of syntactic and semantic distance is a function of the relationship between the two verbs, and is not dependent on the presence of a preposition, the high cooccurrence of prepositions with inflected infinitives is purely coincidental, and cannot be accounted forwith Rodrigues' theory.

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117.       Oferecido pelos governos de Portugal e do Brasil para o melhor autor em língua portuguesa, nesse ano.

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118.       A version of this report was presented at the August 1994 annual meeting of AATSP in Philadelphia.

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